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<title>Faculty of Law</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/900" rel="alternate"/>
<subtitle/>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/900</id>
<updated>2026-06-04T07:58:35Z</updated>
<dc:date>2026-06-04T07:58:35Z</dc:date>
<entry>
<title>The Czech Republic and the 2022 and 2023 Reintroduction of Border Controls: Framing Secondary Movements as a Threat to National Security in the Regional Context</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3812" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Honusková, Věra</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Zaimović, Enes</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3812</id>
<updated>2026-05-26T01:00:25Z</updated>
<published>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">The Czech Republic and the 2022 and 2023 Reintroduction of Border Controls: Framing Secondary Movements as a Threat to National Security in the Regional Context
Honusková, Věra; Zaimović, Enes
Since 2015, Western and Central European member states along the Balkan route haverepeatedly responded to the increased number of arriving migrants by reintroducing internal bordercontrols. They did so deliberately and at the cost of sacrificing one of the major achievements of theEuropean integration process: the principle of free movement and the area without internal fron-tiers. The presented Article focuses on legal assessment of these responses. Using the example ofthe Czech reintroduction of border controls on the land border with Slovakia in 2022/23 and2023/24, we demonstrate how legal responses of member states may intertwine with domestic pol-itics and how states take a somewhat hesitant approach to law in the face of migratory pressure.The Czech example also illustrates how states, despite their international and EU obligations, adoptspecific measures without properly considering adequate and more proportionate alternatives.
</summary>
<dc:date>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Podmíněný trest odnětí svobody: Převládající, nepopsaný, nepřiměřený</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3811" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Drápal, Jakub</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Cioffi, Vanessa Adriana</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Vanča, Tomáš</name>
</author>
<author>
<name>Kubů, Ondřej</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3811</id>
<updated>2026-05-23T01:00:18Z</updated>
<published>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Podmíněný trest odnětí svobody: Převládající, nepopsaný, nepřiměřený
Drápal, Jakub; Cioffi, Vanessa Adriana; Vanča, Tomáš; Kubů, Ondřej
Kniha zkoumá, proč je podmíněný trest odnětí svobody, navzdory kritice a obavám z nespravedlnosti, tak často využívaným nástrojem soudů. Autorský tým pod vedením Jakuba Drápala přináší nový pohled na problematiku a klade důraz na potřebu reformy současné právní úpravy.Publikace rozebírá historický vývoj podmíněného trestu a zasazuje jej do kontextu kriminologických teorií i právní praxe, přičemž čerpá z rozhovorů s třiceti soudkyněmi a soudci. Díky detailní analýze ukazuje, jak rozdílné může být rozhodování soudů v praxi oproti teoretickým principům, což vede k řadě paradoxů. Kniha propojuje pohledy práva a kriminologie a nabízí návrhy, jak problematiku podmíněných trestů upravit, aby lépe plnila svůj účel ve spravedlivém systému.; The suspended prison sentence is the most frequently imposed form of sentence in Czechia, accounting for more than half of all sentences. As a result, it dominates the penal landscape. Despite its prevalence, there is a surprising scarcity of scholarly analysis concerning its historical development, justification, practical application, or the challenges associated with its imposition and revocation. Czechia is not the only European country in this respect: there is a notable lack of recent comprehensive studies on suspended prison sentences across continental Europe, particularly within post-communist countries, where this sanction is very frequently imposed.This book addresses these gaps by offering a comprehensive examination of the suspended prison sentence. First, it explores the evolution of this sentence-by examining provisions, jurisprudence, and judicial practices-to understand how it became the predominant form of punishment. It then scrutinizes the current legislative framework and judicial decision-making processes, revealing problems linked to the imposition of suspended sentences and decisions regarding their revocation. Additionally, it presents the perspectives of judges on the various elements of suspended prison sentences.The detailed discussion of the historical context, legal provisions, practical applications, and judicial opinions reveals systemic issues inherent in the use of suspended prison sentences. These issues are further examined through the lens of sanction systems theory and by experimental testing of sentencing inflation (the imposition of longer suspended prison sentences instead of shorter non-suspended prison sentences). The book discloses-from multiple perspectives-that the current form of suspended prison sentences, as implemented in most continental European countries, is fundamentally flawed. It proposes a detailed reform, advocating for the transformation of the suspended prison sentence into a suspended sentence that would explicitly not be a modality of a prison sentence and would be governed by a different set of principles.
</summary>
<dc:date>2024-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Who cares about the rule of law? Citizens’ rule of law priorities in Hungary and the Czech Republic</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3810" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Bakó, Beáta Csilla</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3810</id>
<updated>2026-05-22T01:00:20Z</updated>
<published>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Who cares about the rule of law? Citizens’ rule of law priorities in Hungary and the Czech Republic
Bakó, Beáta Csilla
This article presents a representative empirical study where, instead of rating the importance of specific elements of the rule of law, respondents were asked to set up an order of priority between elements of democracy (majority rule) and the rule of law (counter-majoritarian institutions). The survey was conducted both in Hungary and the Czech Republic: these two countries represent the two extremes within the Visegrád Group regarding the rule-of-law-situation, Hungary being the worst and Czechia the best. In Hungary we can observe a deep tension in terms of priorities, and this basically translates into the government-opposition division: pro-government voters prioritize majoritarian arguments, while most opposition voters prefer counter-majoritarian institutions. In Czechia, on the contrary, counter-majoritarian and majoritarian features of the democratic system are seen in a more balanced way: even voters of populist and far-right parties highly appreciate the prevention of power abuse and a functioning constitutional court.
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
<entry>
<title>Beneficial Ownership and the Look-Through Approach</title>
<link href="https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3808" rel="alternate"/>
<author>
<name>Málek, Ondřej</name>
</author>
<id>https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14178/3808</id>
<updated>2026-05-21T01:00:19Z</updated>
<published>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</published>
<summary type="text">Beneficial Ownership and the Look-Through Approach
Málek, Ondřej
</summary>
<dc:date>2026-01-01T00:00:00Z</dc:date>
</entry>
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